Untold History: A first-hand account of December 16, 1971

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Untold History: A first-hand account of December 16, 1971 by Brigadier (R) Tariq Khalil




Dec 16th is a tragic day in the history of Pakistan, the darkest period ever since her birth. The tragedy can be attributed to three distinct factors i.e. political, socio religious polarization and Indian intrigues. The seeds of dissatisfaction were witnessed as early when Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah announced at Dhaka University that the language of the new born country will be Urdu.

There were strong protests from Bengali youth as East Pakistan was a majority province. After Quaid-e-Azam’s death, feudal politicians of West Pakistan did not agree to a constitution guarantying the rights to the Bengali portion of Pakistan. Bengal wanted to safeguard their rights as West Pakistan was situated a thousand miles away, separated by hostile India. This squabbling of politicians was the cause for the fall of number of governments till 1956 Marshal Law. Very respectable senior Bengali politicians who were in the vanguard of Pakistan movement, were branded traitors since they were asking their due rights. As early as 1950 Hussain Shaheed entry in Dhaka was banned who was the architect of Pakistan movement.

The lack of information, cloak of secrecy imposed during that period did not allow the people of West Pakistan to know the true picture. Failure of one unit after the demise of Ayub Khan military regime, under the new Marshal Law by Yahya Khan was a catalyst to generate lot of heat and culminated in a hype for provincialism.

It is an unfortunate chapter of history. Politicians of Pakistan did not realize the implications of what they were doing. It is now open secret, a large majority was mentally ready for the breakup. The launching of Peoples Party by Mr. Bhutto could only gain strength in West Pakistan. In the eastern part Awami League held sway over Bengali electorate which is educated and politically more conscious. Bengalis were in the vanguard of the Pakistan movement and so were their leaders. They were disillusioned finding them selves isolated by the West Pakistani political elite after the birth of Pakistan.

By 1970, it created a deep wedge and became impossible to bridge. On the economic front rightly or wrongly they believed that West Pakistan is eating away their share of resources. This perception was so engrained in the Bengalis mind that no logic could convince them otherwise. 1970’s elections were welcomed by people of erstwhile East Pakistan as a ray of hope Awami League was the most popular party in the East Pakistan. But the election of 1970, contrary to claims of fairness was also massively rigged by Awami League. Undersigned is a witness to this rigging in Noakhli District. The Polling Stations of the rural areas, where access was very difficult, virtually were in the control of the Awami League supporters. They just filled the boxes and administration could look at due to lack resources and inaccessibility in rural areas/small towns. Nevertheless, it was a sweeping mandate Awami League attained in election.

They were rightly in the frame of mind that Mujeeb ur Rehman will head the government and be the Prime Minister. The delaying tactics practiced by the military and Peoples Party at that time created deep rooted concerns in Bangal. They felt that they are being deprived off the rightful opportunity after winning the election. The sentiments continued to build up from October to March. During this period very strong fifth column supported by India was activated in erstwhile East Pakistan. Funds were injected and propaganda mills made people believe that at no cost West Pakistan is willing to honor electoral mandate handed over to Awami League. Underground activities were already gaining strength for a disobedience movement. Meanwhile, Awami League made inroads in the Bengali elements of army, air force and navy. They strongly felt that injustice is being perpetuated by the West Pakistan.

March 1st 1970, the parlays between Awami League, Mr. Bhutto and Yahya Khan failed. There was spontaneous reaction through out East Pakistan culminating in the civil disobedience and at places armed up rising. The non Bengali population in major cities of East Pakistan was isolated, the slaughter and torture was unprecedented in the subcontinent. The riots of 1947 pale in the face of these massacres carried out at Chittagong, Khulna and many other places. Meanwhile, small Pakistan army (only one division) was instructed not to intervene.

By 3rd week of March Awami League with support of so called Mukhti Bani operated Indian RAW (consisted also West Bengal Hindus) seized the control of all the cities accept the cantonments. Indian military and intelligence officers were physically present in the border towns of East Pakistan. On the collapse of negotiation on March 25th, Pakistan army was ordered to restore the writ of the government. All hell broke out. What was by now under ground movement came in the open Many Awami League leaders managed to escape on the night of the 25th/26th and declared government in exile at Kolkata. Isolated Pakistani troops were massacred individually and collectively. There was a complete break down in the communications within East Pakistan.

There were only three brigades at time in East Pakistan. This small force was given a tall order to restore the writ of the government. By end of March 1971 two partial divisions and troops were air lifted from West Pakistan. They started arriving by March 29th to 30th. From March 25th to 30th, the sole responsibility to restore order was with 14th division. This small force of three brigades managed to restore some order. By 30th March reinforcement started coming in. Many brilliant officers were lost in this short span of seven days especially in during advance to Chittagong. It was generally propagated by India and exiled government of Bangladesh that West Pakistan Army carried out massacres. It is a greatest lie of 20th Century. As a matter of fact in places like Chittagong, Khulna, Comilla and many other where Pakistan army troops managed to seized control of the area, the places were filled up with slaughtered human beings by the Bengali troops and Mukhti Bani supported by India. It is very unfortunate that this reality was never revealed to the world. Many mass graves later recovered, were of non Bengali population killed and buried collectively. Same is the case in the allegation of rapes. Later, even a commission in Bangladesh found no substances in it.

From May 1st till June. Pakistan Army managed to establish Government Writ in the length and breadth of East Pakistan. Inspite of military command’s insistence, time was right for the political solution, failure of our own government on one side and Indian influence of Awami League in exile in Kolkata did not allow any political development which could result in a feasible solution to the problem. For Indians, Pakistan was politically polarized, socially fractured, militarily weakened by civil war and economically under pressure, was a chance of centuries. By August, Indian military buildup commenced on Pakistani borders and with that Mukhti Bani started raids in the villages and towns unleashing spree of killing and torture and then blaming West Pakistan army. Throughout, the period Pakistan completely failed in exterior maneuvers to tell the world what the real truth was. On the contrary Indian propaganda, was churning out lies after lies convincing world that millions have been killed by Pakistan army.

By September Indian large scale intrusions commenced in to Pakistan territory, Comilla and Jasur sectors. These were pushed back. By October the intensity of operations increased manifold especially in the Jasur Sector where large scale attacks were carried out by Indian Army.

The military strength of the troops in East Pakistan was only four partial divisions with light artillery. There was only one World War Two vintage tank light tank regiment. Air force was just a squadron concentrated at Dhaka. There were no logistics and engineering equipment. At the peak of the operations, in October, the strength of the Pakistan army did not exceed 22,000 combatants and logistic support personal. They were all completely fatigued in 9 months of Civil war. Against that Indian concentrated a force of complete Eastern command, three Corps Artilleries, major chunk of Air Force and full scale Naval blockade. When the war broke out is a history and needs immense space to describe. Ninety thousand POWs is a farce. Majority were civilians and their families.

To conclude, there were historical, political, economical and military blunders. No one segment of the society can be pardoned. Everyone played negative role in creating such a situation. It is pertinent to note that political leadership of India after 1965 war realized they can not defeat Pakistani army head on and thus seeds of internal subversion were sown which flourished within a span of five years. The disunity on Pakistan side opened the gates for them to get into the body politics of Pakistan. The fragmented, polarized polity of Pakistan and army, subjected to subversion was a weakest body which naturally met its fate. It is therefore, extremely important to understand in today’s scenario.

The unity of Pakistani nation is totally dependent on the sincerity of the political leaders allowing no role for internal subversion, religious, ethnic divides, corruption and governance. Continue perpetuation of economic disparities expose segments of society as easy prey to external subversion. Nevertheless, it is unfortunate we still have not learnt any lesson from the blunders of 1971 War, and a decade old war on terror.

The writer is a retired Brigadier of the Pakistan Army (SJ, SI (M), IS Bar) who participated in 1971 Civil and December War.

http://www.terminalx.org/2011/12/unt...ccount-of.html

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Revisiting 1971

Beginning with 1971, on every Dec 16 a wound reopens in the psyche of Pakistan and causes piercing pain. Forty years ago on this day, a unique vision for a nation-state became a traumatic vivisection. East Pakistan seceded – with decisive Indian help – to become Bangladesh.

Even as remembrance brings grief and the conditions in today’s Pakistan demand renewal rather than regression, the need to revisit some aspects of 1971 remains critical.

Some elements which comprise the catastrophic failures of both the political and military leaderships after the polls of December 1970 in West and in East Pakistan are established truths that require no revision One of the major facets that deserves reappraisal is the charge of genocide allegedly conducted by the armed forces of Pakistan, by Biharis and West Pakistanis seeking to exterminate the Bengali people of Bangladesh, particularly the Hindu population and supporters of the Awami League. Over the past 40 years this accusation has been repeated so often in Bangladesh and India and in Western discourse that it has come to be accepted as truth.

Specifically, it is claimed that in the period between March 16 and Dec 16, 1971, about three million people were killed and between 200,000 and 300,000 women were raped. No evidence has ever been offered as to how a mere 45,000 Pakistani troops – scattered in small formations across the province, dealing with a domestic insurgency, facing the prospect of an Indian invasion, short of supplies, without using any poison gas or weapons of mass destruction – could achieve this incredibly high number of casualties. (The 90,000 Pakistani prisoners-of-war included over 50,000 civilians.) According to this fabricated story, in only about 262 days, on every single day, over 11,000 people were killed and over 1,000 women were raped.

This bizarre fantasy has become a calumny which maligns both the people and the state of Pakistan, as well as the country’s armed forces and the Bihari Pakistanis, tens of thousands of whom still languish in Dhaka as Pakistanis abandoned by their own country. The falsehood is part of the history of the liberation of Bangladesh fed into the minds of millions of young children in that country, who grow up with the conviction that massive, merciless evil was perpetrated by Pakistanis. Leading journals, newspapers and favourably reviewed books around the world repeat the charge of genocide ad nauseam.

In some instances, in those nine months, some sections of Pakistan’s armed forces did commit atrocities. These include the attack on Jagannath Hall in Dhaka University on March 25, and subsequently in the villages and areas of Shankaripura, Jinjira, Tangail, Thanapara, Chuknagar and Boriotola. There was also the inexplicable murder of intellectuals on Dec 15 in Dhaka, apparently by pro-Pakistani militias.

In cruel counterpoint, mass killings of West Pakistanis and Biharis took place in Joydevpur/Gazipur, twice (1971 and 1972) in Khulna Jute Mills, Mymensingh, Santahar and Kushtia. Hundreds of West Pakistani army officers, soldiers and families were killed by their Bengali colleagues during the mutinies. If the factually supported versions are noted, which estimate that the total number of persons of all categories and from all sides killed in the conflict were between 100,000 and 200,000, then it is likely that as many West Pakistanis and non-Bengalis perished in 1971 as did Bengalis.

If apologies are to be tendered, as they certainly should be, there are strong grounds for mutual apologies, if not simultaneously then consecutively. Though Pakistan was fighting both a civil war and an external war, it should take the first step, with the understanding that the gesture will be reciprocated.

To revisit this facet is not to morbidly dig up graves and play a perverse blame game of numbers. There is profound sacredness to every human life and to the dignity of every human body. To raise this is not to diminish our affection and respect for the people of Bangladesh, our very own brothers and sisters, although alas now separated.

It is to reiterate our shared reverence and search for truth and justice.

Of all the studies this writer has read about this element of 1971, the book Dead Reckoning: Memories of the 1971 Bangladesh War by Indian Hindu Bengali writer Sarmila Bose, a senior research fellow at Oxford University, represents the most carefully researched, unusually balanced and searingly evocative analysis of this tragedy. (Oxford University Press, 2011.) Here are just two excerpts.

“There are reports that having publicly stated that three million Bengalis had been killed – on the basis of what he had apparently been ‘told’ after his release from imprisonment – Sheikh Mujib tried to establish the necessary evidence for it by setting up a committee of inquiry in January 1972. No further information appears to be available on the work of the inquiry committee or its findings. None of the popular assertions of three million Bengalis allegedly killed by the army cites any official report.

“In a report published in The Guardian entitled ‘The missing millions’ on 6 June, 1972, William Drummond wrote: ‘This figure of three million deaths, which the Sheikh has repeated several times since he returned to Bangladesh in early January, has been carried uncritically in sections of the world press. Through repetition such a claim gains a validity of its own and gradually evolves from assertion to fact needing no attribution. My judgement, based on numerous trips around Bangladesh and extensive discussions with many people at the village level as well as in the government, is that the three million deaths figure is an exaggeration so gross as to be absurd.’ “ (Page 176)

“Yet, many Hindus were also left unharmed by the Pakistan army during 1971. As the witness accounts in Chapter 6 show, many Hindu refugees were leaving their villages and fleeing to India not because of any action of the army, but because they could no longer bear the persecution by their Bengali Muslim neighbours. Much of the harassment of Hindus by their fellow-Bengalis appears to have been non-political, motivated by material greed. The intimidations, killing and hounding out of Hindus – whether by the army or by Bengali Muslims – amounted to what has later come to be termed ‘ethnic cleansing.’ “ (Page 182)

To reach the ideal of a jointly-written history of 1971 some day, sustained new efforts are required to build a closer, more constructive, rational and evidence-based dialogue between Bangladesh and Pakistan.



The writer is a former minister and senator. Website: Javed Jabbar

http://www.thenews.com.pk/TodaysPrin...ID=82489&Cat=9

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Eyewitness account of Dhaka Fall



LAHORE – The Fall of Dhaka brought shame not only to the people of Pakistan, but for the entire Muslim world. The unfortunate day divided the biggest Muslim country into two. This was said by Pakistan Movement Workers’ Trust Chairman Colonel (rtd) Jamshed Ahmed Tareen while addressing TheNation and Aiwan-e-Waqt Forum here on Thursday.
He was the eye-witness of the separation of the then East Pakistan now Bangladesh and served as commanding officer with Army Medical Corps for nine months during the unrest. The former Army officer said that some opportunists from West Pakistan (today’s Pakistan) led the Bengali brethren to opt for the separation.

Remembering the time, Mr Tareen said: “In those days, I had felt that Hindu teachers were airing the emotions of Bengali students against the united Muslim country. But overall, the ordinary Bengali was against West Pakistan. Only a day before the Dhaka Fall, I met a bearded old Muslim weeping. He asked me not to leave them on the mercy of the Hindus.”

In-fact, he said, they were demanding love from us and we could not give them care and love, wishing: “We had to jointly share the sorrows and pleasures of each other.” Jamshed Ahmed criticised the actions of the bureaucracy with the people of the former East Pakistan and said the babus were still on the same page and were not treating the people on human grounds.

Speaking regarding the defensive strategy, he held it was then wrong to defend East Pakistan on the border of West Pakistan. “How can you compete 12 Division of Indian army and more than 70,000 trained Mukti Bahni having only two and half Division soldiers in East Pakistan?” China had asked the Pakistani delegation which visited the country in those days to find a political solution of the East Pakistan issue. He held the Awami League’s blame for killing three million Bengalis by the Pakistan army mere a propaganda.

“In-fact, we were victimised by them,” said Jamshed Ahmed. According to him, the forgetting of the Two-Nation Theory was the real basis for East Pakistan’s separation. “However, the theory is still alive and we have to follow it.” He remembered the former King of Iran Raza Shah had visited Pakistan for arbitrating between Zulfqar Ali Bhutto and Shaikh Mujeeb, but then some elements helped Shaikh Mujeeb to flee from Jail and it was resulted the King back to his country annoyed. The Trust chairman praised the efforts of TheNation Editor-in-Chief Majid Nizami for bringing both the counties close to each other again. He hoped that both the nations would build strong mutual relations in future.

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