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India felt it would win nuclear war with Pakistan

Patriot....I respect your view.....

Members on this forum are taking Nuclear war quite lightly.....and its very disturbing in some instances as these same people could possibly become our leaders or there is a chance that our leaders already possess such irresponsible attitudes....

Let me ask you....Would you or other Pakistani's favor a complete disarmament of our Nuclear arsenals? I mean both India and Pakistan in the name of humanity, destroy our nuclear weapons??
What are your views?....Lets leave out "world disarmament" and "India's nukes are also aimed at China"....

As far as I can tell, the only nuclear threat to Pak is from India, and if we give them up, would Pakistani's be favorable to it??
No, Nuclear weapons have stopped many wars.Pakistan and India both should be nuclear power but never use nuclear weapons.If it was not for Nuclear Weapons i am quite sure we would have fought another 2-3 wars.Nuclear weapons are the reason US and Soviet Union never fought directly.
 
Which country India will initially nuke? China? Pakistan?

This is not a "responsible question", I'm afraid. :no:

Moreover, why do people get hung up on what Bill, the perennial attention wh0re, has to lay out on "oral" history?

There is nothing "juicy" here even though he clearly needs to sell something - funds getting low?

All he left were some "stains".
 
Which country India will initially nuke? China? Pakistan?

Whoever use nukes against us. We have "no first strike policy".

By the way, what question is this. Irrespective of who uses it first, everyone will die. Nuclear weapens are not toys mate, that we use them for fun. Once done, everything is over. All keyboard warriors like me would be no more. Hope you got the point. Thanks.
:wave:
 
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Let me put it this way,



"Kashmir is far less important than the necessity to avoid a Nuclear Holocaust"

If we had to choose between the two, Kashmir will always be secondary to the safety of the millions on either side of the border!!!

and I can assure you, that even the most zealous Muslim in Pakistan will not want the life of a single Hindu soul across the border be distinguished by a ruthless Nuclear flame!!!


A Modest Proposal From the Brigadier - The Atlantic (March 2002)

What one prominent Pakistani thinks his country should do with its atomic weapons
by Peter Landesman


A Modest Proposal From the Brigadier
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sponsored by:

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In the center of the biggest traffic circle of every major city in Pakistan sits a craggy, Gibraltarish replica of a nameless peak in the Chagai range. This mountain is the home of Pakistan's nuclear test site. The development, in 1998, of the "Islamic Bomb," intended as a counter to India's nuclear capability, is Pakistan's only celebrated achievement since its formation, in 1947. The mountain replicas, about three stories tall, are surrounded by flower beds that are lovingly weeded, watered, and manicured. At dusk, when the streetlights come on, so do the mountains, glowing a weird molten yellow.

Islamabad's monument to the atomic bomb occupies a rotary between the airport and the city center. Nearby stand models of Pakistan's two classes of missile: Shaheen and Ghauri. The Islamabad nuclear shrine stands at a place where the city is dissolving into an incoherent edge town of shabby strip malls and empty boulevards and rows of desolate government buildings. A little farther in one comes to the gridded blocks of gated homes. The neighborhoods are called sectors. The streets are numbered, not named.

Late last year, after nearly two months in Pakistan, I paid the last of many visits to house No. 8 on street 19, sector F-8/2, a modern white mansion known as Zardari House. The house has been used by Asif Ali Zardari, the imprisoned husband of Benazir Bhutto, Pakistan's exiled former Prime Minister. Neither Zardari nor Bhutto has been there for a long time. Zardari has been confined for five years, most recently in Attock Fort, a medieval fortress perched over the Indus River between Islamabad and Peshawar. He is charged with a slew of crimes: large-scale corruption; conspiracy in the murder of Bhutto's brother Mir Murtaza; conspiracy to smuggle narcotics. Bhutto, who also faces corruption charges in Pakistan, lives in Dubai with their three children. Pakistan's leader, General Pervez Musharraf, has promised to have her arrested and tried if she ever returns to Pakistan. Outside the gate to the empty Zardari House sits a man with his back to the wall, a sawed-off shotgun across his knees.

I had been going there to consult with Brigadier Amanullah, known to his friends as Aman. Aman, in his early fifties and now retired, is lithe and gentle-natured and seemed to me slightly depressed. He works in a small office behind Zardari House, where, as the secretary to Benazir Bhutto in Islamabad, he coordinates Bhutto's efforts to return to Pakistan and regain its prime ministership. He also keeps in close touch with old colleagues, who include many powerful people in Pakistan. Aman was once the chief of Pakistan's military intelligence in Sind Province, which borders India. Pakistan's biggest city and a cultural center, Karachi, is in Sind. That put Aman squarely in the middle of things, his finger near many sorts of buttons. Today Aman is believed to act as Bhutto's liaison with the armed forces, and he maintains contacts with serving army officers, including senior generals. When I wanted to speak to someone in the Pakistani government, I asked Aman. When I wanted to speak to someone in the Taliban, or in military intelligence, or in the political opposition, I asked Aman. His replies were mumbled and monosyllabic. He never offered opinions. He would simply hear me out and, most times, tip his head and say, "Why not?" Within an hour after Aman and I parted, I would receive a phone call from his secretary. References would be made to "that man" or "that matter," and I would be given a phone number and a time to call. Having spoken with Aman, I was always expected.

On the day of my final visit Aman seemed more sullen than usual. He ushered me into a room adjoining the office. The room was long and spare. There was an oil painting on the far wall. The other walls were empty and lined with cushioned chairs. Aman sat across from me. We had tea and spoke about the latest events.

As we were wrapping up our conversation, I looked at the oil painting. It was a strange picture, a horizontal landscape about four feet across, with overtones of socialist realism. In the foreground a youthful Benazir Bhutto stood in heroic pose on an escarpment overlooking the featureless grid of Islamabad. Beside her stood her father, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, a Prime Minister who in 1977 was ousted in a coup and two years later hanged. On the other side of Bhutto was Mohammed Ali Jinnah, the long-dead founding father of Pakistan. Their postures were exalted, their expressions a combination of pride and awe. Jinnah's arm pointed to the vast plain beyond the city, where a rocket was lifting out of billowing clouds of vapor and fire into the sky.

Aman noticed me looking at the painting and followed my gaze. I asked him if Benazir Bhutto had commissioned it, and Aman said no. He told me that one day when she was still Prime Minister, an unknown man, an ordinary Pakistani citizen, had come to the gate of Zardari House with the picture and told Aman that he'd painted it for the Prime Minister and wanted to present it to her as a gift. Aman said that he was immediately transfixed by the painting. He called to Bhutto inside the house, but she refused to come down to see the man. Aman was persistent, and eventually she came down.

"I insisted Benazir accept it as a gift," Aman told me.

We both looked up at the painting in silence. "A rocket ship heading to the moon?" I asked.

Aman tipped his head to the side. A smirk tugged at the corners of his mouth. "No," he said. "A nuclear warhead heading to India."

I thought he was making a joke. Then I saw he wasn't. I thought of the shrines to Pakistan's nuclear-weapons site, prominently displayed in every city. I told Aman that I was disturbed by the ease with which Pakistanis talk of nuclear war with India.

Aman shook his head. "No," he said matter-of-factly. "This should happen. We should use the bomb."

"For what purpose?" He didn't seem to understand my question. "In retaliation?" I asked.

"Why not?"

"Or first strike?"

"Why not?"

I looked for a sign of irony. None was visible. Rocking his head side to side, his expression becoming more and more withdrawn, Aman launched into a monologue that neither of us, I am sure, knew was coming:

"We should fire at them and take out a few of their cities—Delhi, Bombay, Calcutta," he said. "They should fire back and take Karachi and Lahore. Kill off a hundred or two hundred million people. They should fire at us and it would all be over. They have acted so badly toward us; they have been so mean. We should teach them a lesson. It would teach all of us a lesson. There is no future here, and we need to start over. So many people think this. Have you been to the villages of Pakistan, the interior? There is nothing but dire poverty and pain. The children have no education; there is nothing to look forward to. Go into the villages, see the poverty. There is no drinking water. Small children without shoes walk miles for a drink of water. I go to the villages and I want to cry. My children have no future. None of the children of Pakistan have a future. We are surrounded by nothing but war and suffering. Millions should die away."

"Pakistan should fire pre-emptively?" I asked.

Aman nodded.

"And you are willing to see your children die?"

"Tens of thousands of people are dying in Kashmir, and the only superpower says nothing," Aman said. "America has sided with India because it has interests there." He told me he was willing to see his children be killed. He repeated that they didn't have any future—his children or any other children.

I asked him if he thought he was alone in his thoughts, and Aman made it clear to me that he was not.

"Believe me," he went on, "If I were in charge, I would have already done it."

Aman stopped, as though he'd stunned even himself. Then he added, with quiet forcefulness, "Before I die, I hope I should see it."
 
it might sound - bad but a nuke war is there on horizon.

and it will happen, if not for anyother reason - indian media will make sure we see a nuke war in near future.

i need to get a holiday home in some remote town away from all the metro cities. with my own personal anti nuke room.

or the best way is to go away from here. lol , let the idiots die killing each other, then we will return for the new land of oppertunity with peace and friendliness all around with - idiot soul to bother you about -

1. blowing train
2. takign war
3. nuclear weapon
4. the hate for religon
-------------------------------- i really wish a nuke war happens soon - if that takes it - for the people to live in peace and harmony. ------------------

india have no first use - policy and if india is attacked first - then i think - not just india but rest of the world as well - will help makign a glass bowl. ---

those idiots who keep saying - we got nuke - must realize it - nuke are not for use - unless you want your self to kill for the peace of world.
 
I think if nuk war happened both countries destroy from world map. India has no first use policy if pak attack Ist then India will go also use it there nuk in big amount if any point of time pak govt. think they will not save our people they use all nuk weapon on India. So the situation come pak destroy by India and 1/3 of India destroy by pak nuk missile pak so India win the war but I think north, south and west destroy and rest east occupy by china.
We have to think before we are talking about nuk war both country will destroy if not after the war million of hungry, dead and injure people from both side asking for their govt. what benefit or what we earn for this war…………….
 
A Modest Proposal From the Brigadier - The Atlantic (March 2002)

What one prominent Pakistani thinks his country should do with its atomic weapons
by Peter Landesman


A Modest Proposal From the Brigadier
Article Tools
sponsored by:

E-mail Article
Printer Format
In the center of the biggest traffic circle of every major city in Pakistan sits a craggy, Gibraltarish replica of a nameless peak in the Chagai range. This mountain is the home of Pakistan's nuclear test site. The development, in 1998, of the "Islamic Bomb," intended as a counter to India's nuclear capability, is Pakistan's only celebrated achievement since its formation, in 1947. The mountain replicas, about three stories tall, are surrounded by flower beds that are lovingly weeded, watered, and manicured. At dusk, when the streetlights come on, so do the mountains, glowing a weird molten yellow.

Islamabad's monument to the atomic bomb occupies a rotary between the airport and the city center. Nearby stand models of Pakistan's two classes of missile: Shaheen and Ghauri. The Islamabad nuclear shrine stands at a place where the city is dissolving into an incoherent edge town of shabby strip malls and empty boulevards and rows of desolate government buildings. A little farther in one comes to the gridded blocks of gated homes. The neighborhoods are called sectors. The streets are numbered, not named.

Late last year, after nearly two months in Pakistan, I paid the last of many visits to house No. 8 on street 19, sector F-8/2, a modern white mansion known as Zardari House. The house has been used by Asif Ali Zardari, the imprisoned husband of Benazir Bhutto, Pakistan's exiled former Prime Minister. Neither Zardari nor Bhutto has been there for a long time. Zardari has been confined for five years, most recently in Attock Fort, a medieval fortress perched over the Indus River between Islamabad and Peshawar. He is charged with a slew of crimes: large-scale corruption; conspiracy in the murder of Bhutto's brother Mir Murtaza; conspiracy to smuggle narcotics. Bhutto, who also faces corruption charges in Pakistan, lives in Dubai with their three children. Pakistan's leader, General Pervez Musharraf, has promised to have her arrested and tried if she ever returns to Pakistan. Outside the gate to the empty Zardari House sits a man with his back to the wall, a sawed-off shotgun across his knees.

I had been going there to consult with Brigadier Amanullah, known to his friends as Aman. Aman, in his early fifties and now retired, is lithe and gentle-natured and seemed to me slightly depressed. He works in a small office behind Zardari House, where, as the secretary to Benazir Bhutto in Islamabad, he coordinates Bhutto's efforts to return to Pakistan and regain its prime ministership. He also keeps in close touch with old colleagues, who include many powerful people in Pakistan. Aman was once the chief of Pakistan's military intelligence in Sind Province, which borders India. Pakistan's biggest city and a cultural center, Karachi, is in Sind. That put Aman squarely in the middle of things, his finger near many sorts of buttons. Today Aman is believed to act as Bhutto's liaison with the armed forces, and he maintains contacts with serving army officers, including senior generals. When I wanted to speak to someone in the Pakistani government, I asked Aman. When I wanted to speak to someone in the Taliban, or in military intelligence, or in the political opposition, I asked Aman. His replies were mumbled and monosyllabic. He never offered opinions. He would simply hear me out and, most times, tip his head and say, "Why not?" Within an hour after Aman and I parted, I would receive a phone call from his secretary. References would be made to "that man" or "that matter," and I would be given a phone number and a time to call. Having spoken with Aman, I was always expected.

On the day of my final visit Aman seemed more sullen than usual. He ushered me into a room adjoining the office. The room was long and spare. There was an oil painting on the far wall. The other walls were empty and lined with cushioned chairs. Aman sat across from me. We had tea and spoke about the latest events.

As we were wrapping up our conversation, I looked at the oil painting. It was a strange picture, a horizontal landscape about four feet across, with overtones of socialist realism. In the foreground a youthful Benazir Bhutto stood in heroic pose on an escarpment overlooking the featureless grid of Islamabad. Beside her stood her father, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, a Prime Minister who in 1977 was ousted in a coup and two years later hanged. On the other side of Bhutto was Mohammed Ali Jinnah, the long-dead founding father of Pakistan. Their postures were exalted, their expressions a combination of pride and awe. Jinnah's arm pointed to the vast plain beyond the city, where a rocket was lifting out of billowing clouds of vapor and fire into the sky.

Aman noticed me looking at the painting and followed my gaze. I asked him if Benazir Bhutto had commissioned it, and Aman said no. He told me that one day when she was still Prime Minister, an unknown man, an ordinary Pakistani citizen, had come to the gate of Zardari House with the picture and told Aman that he'd painted it for the Prime Minister and wanted to present it to her as a gift. Aman said that he was immediately transfixed by the painting. He called to Bhutto inside the house, but she refused to come down to see the man. Aman was persistent, and eventually she came down.

"I insisted Benazir accept it as a gift," Aman told me.

We both looked up at the painting in silence. "A rocket ship heading to the moon?" I asked.

Aman tipped his head to the side. A smirk tugged at the corners of his mouth. "No," he said. "A nuclear warhead heading to India."

I thought he was making a joke. Then I saw he wasn't. I thought of the shrines to Pakistan's nuclear-weapons site, prominently displayed in every city. I told Aman that I was disturbed by the ease with which Pakistanis talk of nuclear war with India.

Aman shook his head. "No," he said matter-of-factly. "This should happen. We should use the bomb."

"For what purpose?" He didn't seem to understand my question. "In retaliation?" I asked.

"Why not?"

"Or first strike?"

"Why not?"

I looked for a sign of irony. None was visible. Rocking his head side to side, his expression becoming more and more withdrawn, Aman launched into a monologue that neither of us, I am sure, knew was coming:

"We should fire at them and take out a few of their cities—Delhi, Bombay, Calcutta," he said. "They should fire back and take Karachi and Lahore. Kill off a hundred or two hundred million people. They should fire at us and it would all be over. They have acted so badly toward us; they have been so mean. We should teach them a lesson. It would teach all of us a lesson. There is no future here, and we need to start over. So many people think this. Have you been to the villages of Pakistan, the interior? There is nothing but dire poverty and pain. The children have no education; there is nothing to look forward to. Go into the villages, see the poverty. There is no drinking water. Small children without shoes walk miles for a drink of water. I go to the villages and I want to cry. My children have no future. None of the children of Pakistan have a future. We are surrounded by nothing but war and suffering. Millions should die away."

"Pakistan should fire pre-emptively?" I asked.

Aman nodded.

"And you are willing to see your children die?"

"Tens of thousands of people are dying in Kashmir, and the only superpower says nothing," Aman said. "America has sided with India because it has interests there." He told me he was willing to see his children be killed. He repeated that they didn't have any future—his children or any other children.

I asked him if he thought he was alone in his thoughts, and Aman made it clear to me that he was not.

"Believe me," he went on, "If I were in charge, I would have already done it."

Aman stopped, as though he'd stunned even himself. Then he added, with quiet forcefulness, "Before I die, I hope I should see it."
While you did read that, you forgot to read this.
Indians Scorn Worry And Love Their Nuclear Bombs
By Catherine Philp in Delhi

The circle of peace activists had just lit their candles when the yelling started. "Why do you want peace?" one man screamed, approaching the group as they held hands around a guitarist. "You are not good Indians. We should go to war and teach Pakistan a lesson."
While foreigners are packing up and leaving India, scared off by the prospect of a nuclear war, Indian peace campaigners are trying to convince their fellow citizens that a danger really exists. Evening revellers watched in bemusement and, in some cases, anger as the activists held banners and passed out anti-nuclear leaflets in the imposing shade of India Gate, Lutyens's memorial to the country's war dead.
Nisha, 26, clutching an ice cream and her toddler son, read impassively through a leaflet calling for immediate dialogue with Pakistan to avert the horror of a nuclear war. "Why should we worry about this?" she said with a shrug. "India has more nuclear weapons than Pakistan. We will wipe them off the map and win the war."
The view may sound extreme, but it is one shared by George Fernandes, the Indian Defence Minister, who coldly calculated that India could survive such a strike and deliver a fatal blow to Pakistan. Scientists have predicted that a nuclear exchange would kill 12 million people, half of them in India, but all over the country people are baying for war, nonetheless. About 82 per cent believe that Pakistan would use nuclear weapons in the event of a conflict, but 74 per cent believe that India should attack.
To activists, such statistics are terrifying. "There is no conception among ordinary people about what a nuclear bomb would do," Arundhati Roy, the Booker prize-winning author and activist leading the vigil, said. "They just think it will make a louder bang."
When India tested its atomic weapon in 1998, the nuclear scientists responsible were fêted like cricket heroes. No one dared to suggest there might be a downside. There were no public service broadcasts explaining what to do in the event of a nuclear strike, no doomsday television dramas about a nuclear holocaust of the type that put fear into the West during the Cold War.
Rithin Menon, a feminist publisher, said at the rally: "There is a tremendous reluctance to show material that is destabilising. I don't think any television station would dare do it."
The result is a profound ignorance about the reality of nuclear conflict. The depth of misconception among ordinary people, who are pushing for their Government to go to war, is alarming.
"The bomb is some kind of gas," Lalith Kumar, a drinks vendor, said as he served his customers iced tea from his stall in the trendy Priya shopping district. "Farmers will be okay because they can dig trenches to hide in. The rest of us will be annihilated. "
Gancham Gupta, a paediatrician and one of Mr Kumar's customers, snorted into his drink in amusement. He knew much more about nuclear weapons, he said - fall-out, radiation and so on - but still saw little reason to be afraid. "We doubt Pakistan's capability because their missiles are all smuggled," he said.
"India made its own so they will work, but Pakistan's won't."
Anyone who tries to say otherwise is labelled unpatriotic. When Sonia Reddy, an editorial writer, said in an anti-nuclear piece for a national newspaper that she would build an ark for her and her family in the event of a nuclear war, it prompted a stream of e-mails denouncing her as a "bad Indian".
The message is clear: you can be against the bomb or you can be for India. You cannot be both.
"There is a huge ambivalence about being a nuclear power," Ms Menon said. "Very few people, even in the liberal media, will come out against nuclear weapons." Ms Roy added: "There is virtually no peace movement in India. That's very disturbing."
A few publications are beginning to stick their necks out. In its weekend edition, the news magazine India Today carried a report describing in detail what would happen if Pakistan were to launch a nuclear strike. Its cover shows people running in panic away from a mushroom cloud rising over India Gate as a firestorm tears up the main street.
But with supporters of war in full voice, such apocalyptic scenarios may have come too late to change public opinion. "I don't care whether I live or die - we must punish Pakistan," Mr Kumar said, mixing up another jug of iced tea. "If it doesn't happen to me, it will happen to my children. There should be war now and this should be the end of it."
 
There is nothing called as "minimum" deterence. Its just deterence.

Nuclear bombs are deterent only till they are not used.

Once used, they become suicidal.
 
Pakistan has the capability to destroy all of India with not only uranium but plutonium weapons (only a matter of time before we get plutonium based bombs) also.But it is essentially MAD because India can also destroy us. Now it does not matter if Pakistan is geographically small and India big, because both have the means to reach all targets and may also have an overkill capability.By destruction it is not meant that there will be a giant crater where once india was, it means that all of their economic, industrial, military and political infrastructure would be dealt an unredeemable loss. Generally people have a misconception that a nuclear warhead can completely level a city, while in reality that is not the case.Our close proximity assures that a major exchange will assure nuclear fallout shared at least by whole of the sub-continent and may even by some other countries around our neighborhood!
See some maps/images of monsoon cloud patterns forming due to world's tallest mountain ranges to the West and North of the subcontinent. These mountains are so tall that they form their own weather patterns! Radioactive mushroom clouds similarly may circle around and shower radioactivity all over the subcontinent.If only the water supply is poisoned or has become radioactive, not much else need be done to assure MAD.
If these radioactive mushroom clouds are hot enough then they may rise high enough to go much further and not only end life the way we know it in the subcontinent but also seriously effect world economy, etc.Another fact to consider for the next door neighbors is that even if we explode a nuclear device at our borders with wind flowing Eastwards, the radioactive mushroom cloud will descend all over India and poison their water supply, cause cancer among them, etc.In any case, i am damn sure there will no nuclear exchange in Subcontinent.Honestly i could not help but laugh at oiouooiouou posts.What an idiot.It should be clear to both Indians and Pakistanis that nuclear war will kill your relatives and yourself too no matter where you are in India or Pakistan.India or Pakistan will not go to nuclear war like US.We will drop all the weapons we have once and that will be the end of both countries.So its in our interest to have nuclear weapons but to never use them.

PKD first off all i like to congratulate you for starting such a Thread...i dont know what you thought :(

and secondly your
Pakistan has the capability to destroy all of India with not only uranium but plutonium weapons (only a matter of time before we get plutonium based bombs) also.But it is essentially MAD because India can also destroy us. Now it does not matter if Pakistan is geographically small and India big, because both have the means to reach all targets and may also have an overkill capability
is like Oliver Twist from charles dickens.........:)....both have weapons...we all know that...so why did you statred this thread............i checked mathematically...and proved......(you know we say...HENCE PROVED..:)..)...............but dont be an olivier twist from charles dickens....by expressing in anglais sentences......but try to prove me wrong....if you do not agree......otherwise agree with my mathematical expression...:)
 
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India and pakistan was compared by then. Now india-pak should not be compared. India went alot head. India wont use nuke. Not until we get nuked by other country. After india get nuked just wait and see the reply. By the way please dont say anything about funny man clinton. He made america famous that people still talks about. Thank you.
 
Pakistan army was readying nuclear weapons to strike India during the 1999 kargil conflict, without informing the civilian leadership. Pakistan was ready to nuke India when it was evident that India was winning and was on the verge of giving a crushing defeat to the Kargil intruders.
This was informed to Nawaz Sharif by Bill Clinton when Sharif went Washington to beg Clinton to bail-out Pakistan from the loosing situation.
 
While you did read that, you forgot to read this.
Indians Scorn Worry And Love Their Nuclear Bombs
By Catherine Philp in Delhi

What I quoted was in reply to something. Pls go thru that something also.

What you are quoting is something that I know and I am not ashamed of.

"There is a huge ambivalence about being a nuclear power," Ms Menon said. "Very few people, even in the liberal media, will come out against nuclear weapons." Ms Roy added: "There is virtually no peace movement in India. That's very disturbing."
A few publications are beginning to stick their necks out. In its weekend edition, the news magazine India Today carried a report describing in detail what would happen if Pakistan were to launch a nuclear strike. Its cover shows people running in panic away from a mushroom cloud rising over India Gate as a firestorm tears up the main street.
But with supporters of war in full voice, such apocalyptic scenarios may have come too late to change public opinion. "I don't care whether I live or die - we must punish Pakistan," Mr Kumar said, mixing up another jug of iced tea. "If it doesn't happen to me, it will happen to my children. There should be war now and this should be the end of it."

I will however respond to this.
Apparently Mr. Kumar figured out that the Peace Nuts can't.

Chinese have there enemies in people the allround achievements of which both the Chinese and the Indians will find difficult to match.

Indians have enemies in Pakistan. Something that Mr. Kumar figured out without being proded in any way. Smart guy. Everybody calls it suicidal, Indians choose to call it Tyaga. But not to worry. Indians have been well bred on Ramayana and Mahabharata. And if present Indians are even a patch on the ancients then they will bear a lot more and maintain there control on the handle for much longer then what you can even begin to imagine.
 
PKD first off all i like to congratulate of starting such a Thread...i dont know what you thought :(

and secondly your is like Oliver Twist from charles dickens.........:)....both have weapons...we all know that...so why did you statred this thread............i checked mathematically...and proved......(you know we say...HENCE PROVED..:)..)...............but dont be an olivier twist from charles dickens....by expressing in anglais sentences......but try to prove me wrong....if you do not agree......otherwise agree with my mathematical expression...:)


Most won't be able to figure out the weakness in your arguement.
Its called Time factor. Remember whatever choices we make (whether nuking or not nuking) in the present we have to live with those for ever.
 
Most won't be able to figure out the weakness in your arguement.
Its called Time factor. Remember whatever choices we make (whether nuking or not nuking) in the present we have to live with those for ever.

i agree but people try to argue.....my analysis was just for fun......i hope such situation never comes.......both neighbours lives peacefully....but people just dont buy my expression.....:(
 
i agree but people try to argue.....my analysis was just for fun......i hope such situation never comes.......both neighbours lives peacefully....but people just dont buy my expression.....:(

Yes, I forgot. When I read it just a while back, I realised what you were upto.

Though I am afraid I am one of the people who dont agree to loving peace with Pakistan option (Ref:post 42 in this thread). Though I do hope like you that nukes are kept out for as long as we can, even with Pakistan/China.

Also you French should know, you guys lost your country earler due to political eurostupidity in helping you guys out. All you need a mad man and it is obvious who can supply such mad man easily.

BTW: Are you an Indian in France. Someone accused you of it sometime back. I too find you rather close to Hawkish Indian views, at times.
 

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