Trailer23
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Anju India say Pakistan agaee, par Ganju England say na asaka...
@FOOLS_NIGHTMARE @muhammadhafeezmalik
@FOOLS_NIGHTMARE @muhammadhafeezmalik
Nawaz Is Coming!
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SecularNationalist
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And when he was kicked out. In 2017 when he was disqualified by Ecp to contest any election or take any public office till his death. That time when marium nawaz said that her father will become Pakistan's PM for fourth time we all laughed on her. NS didn't even complete his 7 years behind bars because the corrupt establishment and army knew they will again need NS for their political engineering.
Now we look back and realize she was right ,unbelievable this is going to happen. Army is just going to order the supreme court to revoke that decision so NS can become PM again through rigging and corruption.
Now we look back and realize what big chaman chutyas we were. Yes IK was also a product of army but we should give him a credit for exposing the true face of our army like never before. Army can now install their puppets but they won't have any respect in public. Maybe in the coming years this increasing public pressure will force army to change their ways.
Sadly a true definition of a banana republic this country has become.
Now we look back and realize she was right ,unbelievable this is going to happen. Army is just going to order the supreme court to revoke that decision so NS can become PM again through rigging and corruption.
Now we look back and realize what big chaman chutyas we were. Yes IK was also a product of army but we should give him a credit for exposing the true face of our army like never before. Army can now install their puppets but they won't have any respect in public. Maybe in the coming years this increasing public pressure will force army to change their ways.
Sadly a true definition of a banana republic this country has become.
HAIDER
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4th time ?
Baburfromsarmarkand
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This time he will be different he's been in UK and learned their ways of good governance. The king is back!
Jango
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No no no, Mian sahab pehli bar arahay hai jila watni kay bad.
ziaulislam
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Sheir aik wari feerThe stage seems set for Nawaz Sharif's return to Pakistan, to stake a claim to the Premiership that was unfairly wrestled out of his hands in 2017 to pave way for the Naya Pakistan experiment.
View attachment 941508
In the aftermath of the 2018 elections, few would have thought that Nawaz could make a comeback to the Prime Minister house. The hybrid regime’s latest experiment, built around the Naya Pakistan narrative and backed by the powerful military, was built off the back of excluding the three-time premier from Pakistan’s power corridors. Fast forward to today, and the opposite is materialising.
Despite many an appeal by PML-N’s cadre for Nawaz to return, the supremo has stayed put in London, to let his manoeuvring do the talking. It is clear that Nawaz has called major shots on the economy and politics from the comfort of his residence in London, rather than ending up in jail. Be it the appointment of General Asim Munir as the COAS, or sending Dar back as Finance Minister, Nawaz limited his role to navigating the muddy waters of Pakistan’s power politics.
The matter he has thus so far not taken up is to touch base with voters and assume command of the party’s rank and file. That is changing now. With PTI facing a disproportionate crackdown for the May 9 attacks and general elections on the horizon, Nawaz cannot pick a better time to return. The question then becomes: what does he have to offer this time round?
For a man whose party has not lost an election in Punjab since 1990, minus the one under Musharraf, it seems that delivering Punjab will be what he must offer. The challenge though, is bigger than before.
Unlike 2018, when the PML-N was riding a wave of popularity, 2023 is very different, not least because of skyrocketing inflation. Convincing scores of voters across Punjab and elsewhere to vote on performance alone will be next to impossible. Data across the board indicates that inflation has soared to previously unseen heights. Rising prices for the end consumer, dwindling foreign reserves and backbreaking commodity price inflation worsen that challenge.
Nawaz back on the campaign trail can mitigate the damage by pinning the blame on those who ousted him, but the average voter is unlikely to see beyond the price of daily commodities.
Then there are disgruntled voters, comprising a shrinking middle class and the youth, who refuse to believe traditional political class offers a solution to their woes. Winning over an entire generation raised on the unassailable idea that all, but one, are corrupt is an insurmountable challenge.
Young people form a significant chunk of the Pakistani electorate; people between 18 to 35 years old, numbering around 53.8 million – are the largest age bracket in the voter base, making up over 44% of total registered voters. Imran remains popular among this cohort, not least because he has empowered them with grandiose notions of ‘Haqeeqi Azadi.’ Khan also retains their sympathy, ever since he blamed the United States for unfairly conspiring with the establishment to oust him. It is unclear if Nawaz can overcome their opposition.
Despite all of the above, Nawaz back on the campaign trail will be potent in bringing dormant and on the fence voters to the voting booths. Invoking the PML-N’s anti-establishment narrative by targeting General (r) Bajwa, General (r) Faiz and members of the judiciary who schemed to remove him will sell in Punjabi heartlands, not least because these voters voted for PML-N in 2018 despite the Panama Conviction and blatant rigging. Going from town to town to recount the efforts by the judicial-military nexus to stage dharnas, disqualify him and rig the 2018 elections will be instrumental in activating his voter base in rural and urban Punjab. The recourse to ‘vote ko izzat dou’ will be required to shore up popularity. Nawaz has Imran to thank for having normalized criticizing the establishment; Imran Khan’s voter base is convinced that his ouster and the PTI’s dismemberment were coordinated by the military’s top brass. “Vote ko izzat dou” will also have intuitive appeal now across the electorate, and the PTI will either be forced to double down on its own establishment bashing, or back off for fear of inviting further displeasure, subsequently letting Nawaz occupy the same ideological space that Khan has so desperately sought to carve out for himself. Both situations bode well for PML-N’s electoral chances.
Another role Nawaz is likely to play is assuming full command of the party. This has two dimensions. First, it means re-establishing connections with PML-N workers and organizers at all levels. The party’s middle and lower brass has long gravitated toward Nawaz, therefore restructuring the party to accommodate and reenergise local leaders is critical. It will also lead to optimal ticket distribution and activate voters on the ground. Second, competing factions within the PML-N must be dealt with. Be it Shahid Khaqan vying for an end to dynastic politics or Maryam Nawaz eyeing for a Chief Minister slot, Nawaz will have to settle key questions which will determine the future of the party and its unity, making them all the more important.
Perhaps, his most important contribution on arrival will be his perception of electability. Voters often tend to vote for leaders and parties on the ascendancy, as seen in many a prior election. Having mended ties with the military, Nawaz as a concrete Prime Ministerial candidate will aid PML-N ticket holders in several urban and rural constituencies in winning their seats.
But before he is back on the campaign trail, Nawaz must fight a legal battle which involves undoing his disqualification and conviction. There remains uncertainty over his candidature despite the Parliament’s bill limiting disqualification under Article 62 to 5 years. This battle will be fought in the hallowed hallways of the higher judiciary who are expected to set wheels in motion to hear his cases once the current Chief Justice retires.
For now, one thing is certain: Nawaz is coming.
Nawaz Is Coming
In the aftermath of the 2018 elections, few would have thought that Nawaz could make a comeback to the Prime Minister house. The hybrid regime’s latestwww.thefridaytimes.com
Atleast all those people who are on sides and don't want to vote will come back and vote for Nawaz sharif and khosh hali
As globally(USA) inflation is down from 9% to 2% , this would hopefully translate into Pakistan as well
Now we just need that IK in jail
??
What do you mean
PMLN has won 9/10 elections since 1983 in Punjab
They only lost in 2002 and their mandate out maneuvered by JTK in 2018(they won the 2018 election and were the largest party in Punjab)
In other words
Nawaz sharif knows no defeat..he has never lost a election in Punjab except in marshal law of 2002
The reason why he is called the lion of Punjab
People love Nawaz sharif
He was able to fix people and get the Nasha of Bhutto out of them and is ready to do it again..the Nasha of Youthia will be gone same...
It's the era of maryum safdar nawaz and Junaid maryum safdar nawaz
Last edited:
The stage seems set for Nawaz Sharif's return to Pakistan, to stake a claim to the Premiership that was unfairly wrestled out of his hands in 2017 to pave way for the Naya Pakistan experiment.
View attachment 941508
In the aftermath of the 2018 elections, few would have thought that Nawaz could make a comeback to the Prime Minister house. The hybrid regime’s latest experiment, built around the Naya Pakistan narrative and backed by the powerful military, was built off the back of excluding the three-time premier from Pakistan’s power corridors. Fast forward to today, and the opposite is materialising.
Despite many an appeal by PML-N’s cadre for Nawaz to return, the supremo has stayed put in London, to let his manoeuvring do the talking. It is clear that Nawaz has called major shots on the economy and politics from the comfort of his residence in London, rather than ending up in jail. Be it the appointment of General Asim Munir as the COAS, or sending Dar back as Finance Minister, Nawaz limited his role to navigating the muddy waters of Pakistan’s power politics.
The matter he has thus so far not taken up is to touch base with voters and assume command of the party’s rank and file. That is changing now. With PTI facing a disproportionate crackdown for the May 9 attacks and general elections on the horizon, Nawaz cannot pick a better time to return. The question then becomes: what does he have to offer this time round?
For a man whose party has not lost an election in Punjab since 1990, minus the one under Musharraf, it seems that delivering Punjab will be what he must offer. The challenge though, is bigger than before.
Unlike 2018, when the PML-N was riding a wave of popularity, 2023 is very different, not least because of skyrocketing inflation. Convincing scores of voters across Punjab and elsewhere to vote on performance alone will be next to impossible. Data across the board indicates that inflation has soared to previously unseen heights. Rising prices for the end consumer, dwindling foreign reserves and backbreaking commodity price inflation worsen that challenge.
Nawaz back on the campaign trail can mitigate the damage by pinning the blame on those who ousted him, but the average voter is unlikely to see beyond the price of daily commodities.
Then there are disgruntled voters, comprising a shrinking middle class and the youth, who refuse to believe traditional political class offers a solution to their woes. Winning over an entire generation raised on the unassailable idea that all, but one, are corrupt is an insurmountable challenge.
Young people form a significant chunk of the Pakistani electorate; people between 18 to 35 years old, numbering around 53.8 million – are the largest age bracket in the voter base, making up over 44% of total registered voters. Imran remains popular among this cohort, not least because he has empowered them with grandiose notions of ‘Haqeeqi Azadi.’ Khan also retains their sympathy, ever since he blamed the United States for unfairly conspiring with the establishment to oust him. It is unclear if Nawaz can overcome their opposition.
Despite all of the above, Nawaz back on the campaign trail will be potent in bringing dormant and on the fence voters to the voting booths. Invoking the PML-N’s anti-establishment narrative by targeting General (r) Bajwa, General (r) Faiz and members of the judiciary who schemed to remove him will sell in Punjabi heartlands, not least because these voters voted for PML-N in 2018 despite the Panama Conviction and blatant rigging. Going from town to town to recount the efforts by the judicial-military nexus to stage dharnas, disqualify him and rig the 2018 elections will be instrumental in activating his voter base in rural and urban Punjab. The recourse to ‘vote ko izzat dou’ will be required to shore up popularity. Nawaz has Imran to thank for having normalized criticizing the establishment; Imran Khan’s voter base is convinced that his ouster and the PTI’s dismemberment were coordinated by the military’s top brass. “Vote ko izzat dou” will also have intuitive appeal now across the electorate, and the PTI will either be forced to double down on its own establishment bashing, or back off for fear of inviting further displeasure, subsequently letting Nawaz occupy the same ideological space that Khan has so desperately sought to carve out for himself. Both situations bode well for PML-N’s electoral chances.
Another role Nawaz is likely to play is assuming full command of the party. This has two dimensions. First, it means re-establishing connections with PML-N workers and organizers at all levels. The party’s middle and lower brass has long gravitated toward Nawaz, therefore restructuring the party to accommodate and reenergise local leaders is critical. It will also lead to optimal ticket distribution and activate voters on the ground. Second, competing factions within the PML-N must be dealt with. Be it Shahid Khaqan vying for an end to dynastic politics or Maryam Nawaz eyeing for a Chief Minister slot, Nawaz will have to settle key questions which will determine the future of the party and its unity, making them all the more important.
Perhaps, his most important contribution on arrival will be his perception of electability. Voters often tend to vote for leaders and parties on the ascendancy, as seen in many a prior election. Having mended ties with the military, Nawaz as a concrete Prime Ministerial candidate will aid PML-N ticket holders in several urban and rural constituencies in winning their seats.
But before he is back on the campaign trail, Nawaz must fight a legal battle which involves undoing his disqualification and conviction. There remains uncertainty over his candidature despite the Parliament’s bill limiting disqualification under Article 62 to 5 years. This battle will be fought in the hallowed hallways of the higher judiciary who are expected to set wheels in motion to hear his cases once the current Chief Justice retires.
For now, one thing is certain: Nawaz is coming.
Nawaz Is Coming
In the aftermath of the 2018 elections, few would have thought that Nawaz could make a comeback to the Prime Minister house. The hybrid regime’s latest
old wine in a new bottle . good luck
Hero786
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Kutay ko sher mat bolo
he made the deal with the devil, take our family's look and give us shit load of haram money
I mean just look at every family member who has not gone thru countless surgeries
Hero786
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Frog
I think word "daddu" is mostly used by children.
In Urdu, it is called "Maindak" / مینڈک
ziaulislam
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Sir ap kuta keh reh Hein. May be kuta samajta Hun leykin punjabkey logon key leya wo sheir hey
I respect our Punjabi brothers opinion just like I respect our Sindhi and mahjirs brother opinions
And no it's not jahalat
PMLN vote bank isn't in south but in central educated Lahore
Hero786
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Not Any More.
Punjab (not South Punjab) was considered his Castle, but last time he was defeated badly.
People do not like him from any more from last 2 decades.
He was selected by Kana Dajjal Iftikhar.
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